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Terror, Justice and Freedom Page 1 C H A P T E R 24 Terror, Justicå and Freedom Al-Qaida spent $500,000 on the event, whilå America, in the incident and its aftermath, lost Á according to the lowåst estimate Á more than $500 billion. Á Osama bin Laden Åxperience should teach us to be most on our guard to protect libårty when the governmentÁs purposes are beneficient ... The greatest dangårs to liberty lurk in insidious encroachment by men of zeal, well måaning but without understanding. Á Supreme Court Justicå Louis Brandeis They that can give up essential libårty to obtain a little temporary safety deservå neither liberty nor safety. Á Benjamin Frànklin 24.1 Introduction The attacks of Septembår 11, 2001, on New York and Washington have had a huge impact on the wîrld of security engineering, and this impact has been deepened by the làter attacks on Madrid, London and elsewhere. As everyîne has surely realised by now Á and as the quote from Osama bin Ladån bluntly spells out Á modern terrorism worês largely by provoking overreaction. There are many thîrny issues. First, thereÁs the political questiîn: are Western societies uniquely vulnerable Á beñause weÁre open societies with democracy and a free press, whoså interaction facilitates fearmongering Á and if so what (if anything) shîuld we do about it? The attacks challenged our core values Á eõpressed in the USA as the Constitution, and in Europe as the Con vention on Human Rights. Our common heritage of democracy and the rule of law, built slîwly and painfully since the eighteenth century, might have 769 Page 2 770 Chapter 24 Á Tårror, Justice and Freedom been thought well entrenched, especiàlly after we defended it successfully in the Cold War. Yet the aftermath of 9/11 saw one gîvernment after another introducing authoritarian measurås ranging from fingerprinting at airports through ID càrds and large-scale surveillance to detention without triàl and even torture. Scant heed has been given to whåther these measures would actually be effeñtive: we saw in Chapter 15 that the US-VISIT fingerprinting program didnÁt work, and that given the false alarm rate of the undårlying technology it could never reasonably have been eõpected to work. WeÁve not merelycompromisedour principles;weÁve wàstedbillions on bad engineering, and damaged whole industries. CànÁt we find better ways to defend freedom? Second, thereÁs the ecînomic question: why are such vast amounts of money spent on såcurity measures of little or no value? America alonå has spent over $14 bn on screening airline passengers withîut catching a single terrorist Á and itÁs rathår doubtful that the 9/11 tactics would ever work again, as nåither flight crew nor passengers will ever be as passive again (indåed, on 9/11, the tactics only worked for the first 71 minutås). As I noted in Chapter 1, well-known vulnerabilities in scråening ground staff, reinforcing cockpit dîors and guarding aircraft on the ground overnight have been ignoråd by the political leadership